日韩精品久久一区二区三区_亚洲色图p_亚洲综合在线最大成人_国产中出在线观看_日韩免费_亚洲综合在线一区

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Chinese Perspectives

Manila's cognitive warfare won't succeed

By Li Kaisheng and Zhang Qiyue | China Daily | Updated: 2024-08-29 07:09
Share
Share - WeChat
Ren'ai Reef. [File photo/China Daily]

In the past year, the Philippines, under the guidance of, and in collaboration with, the United States, has been trying to turn the South China Sea into a battleground by, among other things, spreading lies about China. By doing so, the Philippines seeks to justify its illegal, provocative actions in the South China Sea, especially around maritime features belonging to China.

One such incident occurred in April when the Philippine Coast Guard's BRP Teresa Magbanua (MRRV-9701) intruded into the waters near China's Xianbin Reef. Manila tried to justify the move by claiming it was monitoring China's "illegal island-building activities".

However, the reality is that the Philippine vessel remained unlawfully anchored in the area in an attempt to establish the Philippines' de facto presence in the waters. Before the Aug 19 collision between a Philippine vessel and a Chinese law enforcement ship, Philippine Coast Guard spokesperson Commodore Jay Tarriela accused China of deploying large Coast Guard ships and "maritime militia" in and around the Xianbin Reef, claiming that such actions undermined regional stability and escalated tensions. Tarriela claimed the Philippine Coast Guard's presence in the area was to "defend sovereignty" and combat "illegal fishing and environmental degradation".

Another recent example is the Philippines' illegal activities near Huangyan Island. On Aug 8, Manila claimed that two Chinese military aircraft conducted "dangerous maneuvers" over the shoal and dropped flares near a Philippine plane carrying out a "maritime security operation" in what it claimed was Philippine waters. In reality, China was conducting routine military exercises at the time, and the Philippine Air Force's NC-212 aircraft, ignoring repeated warnings from the Chinese side, intruded into Chinese airspace over the Huangyan Island in a bid to interfere in the exercises.

The Philippines has consistently spread falsehoods about China's South China Sea claims. For example, the Philippine media often add the phrase, "China claims almost all of the South China Sea", when reporting on China's maritime claims.

But China has clearly articulated its acclaims in its July 12, 2016, statement on sovereignty and maritime territorial rights in the South China Sea. China claims four main rights, the most important being its sovereignty over the South China Sea islands and historical rights in South China Sea. The Philippines' persistent distortion and smearing of China is aimed at soiling its international image.

To cover up its false information campaign and lead the international community astray, the Philippines accuses China of spreading "fake news". This tactic not only creates confusion in the international community but also helps Manila portray itself as a "victim" forced to "defend" its maritime territories. But Manila's misinformation campaign cannot change reality.

First, China's sovereignty over the maritime features in the South China Sea is supported by historical and legal evidence. China's insistence on resolving disputes through direct negotiations between the involved parties is the right approach to address the issue. The Philippines will not succeed in denying China's sovereignty using the so-called South China Sea arbitration ruling, as maritime sovereignty is not subject to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Moreover, China issued an exclusionary declaration way back in 2006, saying that it does not accept the compulsory procedures under the UNCLOS on maritime delimitation, historic bays or titles. China's approach to resolving territorial disputes with the majority of its neighbors through friendly negotiations has proven practical and effective. As such, the Philippines' utter disregard for China's sage advice and its attempt to trigger a legal "fight" against China only reveal its ulterior motives.

Second, the US is primarily responsible for the escalating disputes in the South China Sea. It has roped in the Philippines to do its bidding, in order to advance its geopolitical interests in the region. While Manila has been repeatedly denying Washington's involvement, the reality is that US government agencies, think tanks and media have been perpetuating the false narrative on the South China Sea, which it aims to contain, because it perceives China as its greatest geopolitical rival.

By keeping the South China Sea issue alive, the US can justify strengthening its military presence in the Philippines and maintaining its dominance in the Asia-Pacific region with the help of its allies like Japan and the Philippines. The establishment of new US military bases on Luzon Island of the Philippines, ostensibly for humanitarian purposes, is, in fact, aimed at bolstering the first island chain and preparing for a potential confrontation with China over the Taiwan question.

Third, if tensions escalate, the Philippines will be the biggest loser. Stopping its provocative moves and returning to cooperation are in the best interests of the Philippines. Over the past year, despite helping take forward the US' strategy to contain China, the Philippines has gained no substantial benefits in terms of its maritime claims. Should the Philippines miscalculate and provoke a conflict, it will suffer the most.

As neighbors and developing countries, Beijing and Manila both would benefit by working together to overcome common challenges such as de-globalization and climate change. But with many of the Philippines' political elites being coerced or persuaded to serve US interests, it is doubtful whether anyone among the Philippine leadership would understand what is truly good for their country.

For example, in mid-July, the Philippine government announced plans to expand the airport on Zhongye Island, which it illegally occupies. The New York Times' Chinese edition then fabricated a story to support this, saying that given China's growing presence in the South China Sea, the Philippines has been forced to upgrade its "dilapidated" military facilities. This new wave of cognitive warfare raises a vital question: Is the Philippines determined to push its luck further, potentially turning Zhongye Island into the next flashpoint after Ren'ai Reef and Xianbin Reef?

Li Kaisheng is vice-president of the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies; and Zhang Qiyue is an assistant research fellow at the Institute for Global Governance Studies of the SIIS. The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

 

 

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 久久天天拍天天爱天天躁 | 精品视频一区二区三区 | 91精品久久久久久综合五月天 | 看一天影院宅急看在线观看 | 欧美性生交zzzzzxxxxx | 人人爱免费在线观看 | 久久久青青草 | 毛片1毛片2毛片3毛片4 | 黄色三级视频网站 | 免费黄网站在线看 | 国产japan色系videos护士 日韩精品视频在线免费观看 | 国产午夜精品理论片 | www.日日日 | 欧美a级成人淫片免费看 | 一级做性色a爰片久久毛片 亚洲午夜精品久久久久久app | jizzjizzjizz亚洲日本 | avidolzvideo| 日本一区二区三区四区高清视频 | 一区二区三区国产精品 | 国产精品视频第一页 | 国产精品久久久久久亚洲色 | 久久久久免费观看 | 日本香港三级和澳门三级 | 国产精品美女 | 色吟av| 久久成人一区二区 | 夜本色 | 欧美手机看片 | 天天干com| 欧美成人免费高清网站 | 国产精品视频免费观看 | 欧美日韩视频 | 小视频网址| 国产精品亚欧美一区二区三区 | 精品久久久久久久久久久久久久久 | 国产欧美综合精品一区二区 | 91官网| 成人在线视频在线观看 | 亚洲韩精品欧美一区二区三区 | 啪啪免费网站入口链接 | 国产乱码精品一区二区三上 |