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Updated: 2004-11-08 09:44
Now, unite us

現在,讓我們聯合起來

Now, unite us

 

In the end, America's presidential election closed with a familiar-sounding result that prompted a weary and anxious groan: a cliff-hanger, with George Bush winning after a technical wrangle in a heavily contested state. But that is misleading. Do not underestimate the scope of the Republicans' victory-or its importance for both America and the world.

In one way, the victory was a narrow one. The president carried Ohio by just 136,000 votes (or around 2% of the votes cast there). John Kerry reluctantly conceded defeat only when he calculated that there were not enough uncounted ballots to provide him with the votes he needed. That retreat looks a wise decision for America's sake-particularly seeing that this time Mr Bush won the national popular vote by 3.5m.

As that figure implies, it was a stunning result for Mr Bush-and not just because exit polls had indicated that Mr Kerry would win. The president won a clear majority of the vote (the first time anyone has done that since his own father in 1988, albeit thanks to the lack of any serious third-party candidate). The huge turnout that Democrats had yearned for ended up proving instead the power of conservative America.

Mr Bush also has a much firmer base in Congress. The Republicans added at least four more seats to their comfortable majority in the House of Representatives. Crucially, they made a net gain of four Senate seats, giving them in effect a 55-45 advantage in the upper chamber. Add in the occasional support of some conservative Democrats, and Mr Bush is close to the 60 votes necessary to survive a delaying filibuster procedure-a huge achievement and advantage.

So the "accidental president", who reached the White House last time only with the help of those dimpled chads and the Supreme Court, has a real electoral mandate at last. He deserves congratulations for winning such a vote even in the face of a costly war and a patchy economy. The question is what he will do with his victory; and also how the rest of the world, which had been praying for a Kerry victory over the uncomfortably muscular Texan, will react.

After all, Mr Bush has in a sense been here before. In the months after September 11th, he had the support of 90% of a broadly united country (not just 51% of a bitterly polarised one). America also had the backing of most of the world. That was before the war in Iraq; before Abu Ghraib, Guantánamo Bay and Fallujah became household names; before the compassionate conservative lurched to the right on stem-cell research and gay marriage; before the budget deficit lurched out of control. Mr Bush's supporters will argue that he is hardly responsible for all these things. But arguing over who did what in the past is beside the point. The question is how to do things better in the future.

Mr Bush would do well to focus now on pragmatism over ideology. His aim must be not only his own place in history, but also America's: both will require more sensitivity and unity, and less shock and awe than in his first term. At home, one early test of his willingness to reunite his country will be whether he will appoint any Democrats to his new cabinet. Another awkwardness could well be the Supreme Court. The chief justice, William Rehnquist, is gravely ill. If Mr Bush allows the Christian right a veto over his appointments, he will re-ignite America's culture wars.

(Agencies)

最終,美國總統大選以一種人們耳熟能詳的結局收場,這樣的結局難免讓人發出厭煩、焦慮的嘆息:又是一場驚險緊張的角逐,在競爭異常激烈的俄亥俄州出現技術方面的爭議的情況下,喬治·布什獲得了最終的勝利。但這只是一種誤解罷了。請不要低估共和黨獲勝的能力,也不要小覷這場勝利對美國乃至整個世界的重要性。

一方面,這只是一次險勝。總統布什僅以13.6萬張選票(約占俄亥俄州總票數的2%)的優勢拿下了俄亥俄州。當待統計選票的數量已無法達到獲勝所需票數后,約翰·克里不得不無奈地承認自己的失敗。為了維護美國人民的利益,克里選擇放棄似乎是一個明智的決定,尤其是在看到布什在這次選舉中以350萬張普選票的優勢勝出后。

正如統計數字顯示的那樣,對布什來說,此番大選的結果好得出乎意料——不僅因為在選民投票后舉行的“民調”顯示克里會贏。布什總統贏得了絕大多數選票,這是自1988年他的父親(美國第51任總統喬治·布什)以絕對優勢取勝以來,首次有人做到這一點,雖然這要歸功于此次大選缺少有威脅的第三黨候選人。民主黨一直追求的高投票率最終卻幫了美國保守派勢力的大忙。

在國會,布什同樣擁有更加堅實的基礎。大選前,共和黨在眾議院已穩坐多數席位,大選后,共和黨在眾議院又增加了至少四個席位。關鍵的是,共和黨在參議院還贏得了四個席位,從而在事實上取得了55:45的優勢。再加上一些保守的民主黨成員偶爾也會支持布什,布什在參議院能夠獲得接近60票,足以使參議院無法有意拖延議案的通過。這是一個巨大的成功和優勢。

至此,這位上次全憑“酒窩票”(選民用打孔機投票時,有些人打孔力道不夠,沒有把選票打穿,留下一個淺淺圓圓的凹痕,正面看像個酒窩,所以稱為酒窩票)和最高法院的幫助才入主白宮的“意外當選的總統”,最終擁有了真正由選民授予的權力。他確實值得祝賀,因為他是在面臨一場昂貴的戰爭和經濟失調的情況下贏得這場選舉的。問題是,他將怎樣面對他的勝利;以及世界其他國家會做出怎樣的反映。世界上大多數國家一直期盼著克里能夠戰勝“那個強硬得讓人不舒服的德克薩斯人”。

不管怎樣,從某種意義上來說,布什早已走到了這一步。9/11事件發生后的幾個月,他在這個空前團結的國家獲得了90%的支持率(而不僅僅是51%的微弱優勢)。美國同樣贏得了世界上大部分國家的支持。不過那時伊拉克戰爭還沒有發生;阿布哈里卜、關塔那摩灣和費盧杰還不像今天這樣家喻戶曉;富有同情心的保守派還沒有堅決反對干細胞研究和同性戀婚姻;財政預算赤字還沒有突然失控。布什的支持者們會爭辯說,他并不應該為所有這一切承擔責任。但是,討論過去是誰造成了怎樣的局面已經沒有意義了,問題在于,將來怎樣把事情做得更好。

現在,布什可以把更多的精力放在實用主義,而不是觀念和意識形態上了。他的目標應該不僅僅是樹立自己在歷史上的地位,更重要的是樹立美國在歷史上的地位。和布什的前一任期相比,這兩者都要求(美國)能多一些敏銳和團結,少一些震撼和威脅。在國內,有一個關于布什是否愿意重新團結整個國家的先期測驗,那就是他是否會任命民主黨人加盟他的新內閣。另一個尷尬問題就是最高法院現任首席大法官威廉·倫奎斯特目前病情嚴重。如果布什否決自己的任命,就會重新點燃美國的文化戰火。
 

(中國日報網站譯)

 
Vocabulary:

groan: an utterance expressing pain or disapproval(嘆息,呻吟)

exit polls: a poll of voters as they leave the voting place; usually taken by news media in order to predict the outcome of an election(投票后民調,在選民投票后進行的票站調查)

filibuster: the use of obstructionist tactics, especially prolonged speechmaking, for the purpose of delaying legislative action(阻撓議事)

right a veto : 提出否決

 
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