日韩精品久久一区二区三区_亚洲色图p_亚洲综合在线最大成人_国产中出在线观看_日韩免费_亚洲综合在线一区

USEUROPEAFRICAASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
China
Home / China / Top Stories

Maritime Silk Road shows way forward

By Robert Lawrence Kuhn | China Daily Europe | Updated: 2015-01-11 15:02

Geopolitical initiative a good example of nation's constructive and peaceful rise

An "inflection point" in mathematics occurs when there is a change of curvature, say from concave to convex, at a particular point on a curve. There is now, at this particular point of time, an inflection point occurring in China's diplomacy, as the country changes from reactive to proactive in its international relations. Future historians may characterize this transformation as one of the defining geopolitical trends of the first half of the 21st century.

I am pleased to see China's emergence but too many foreigners are not - they worry, openly or privately, about what a strong China may do. The so-called "China Threat" is real in that many foreigners believe it to be real. But do these people know the real China?

Deng Xiaoping, China's "Paramount Leader" who initiated reform and opening-up in the late 1970s, said famously that China should "hide our capabilities and bide our time". His directive is often misinterpreted as advising that China, like a growing lion, should lie low while strengthening itself so that eventually it can pounce. In fact, Deng simply wanted China to build its own economy and never again be bullied by foreign powers.

Has China's "time" now come? President Xi Jinping has given his clearest directive for China's foreign policy and it is certainly more engaged with the world. Speaking to senior Party officials last year at a top-level conference on foreign affairs, the first in eight years, Xi described China's new diplomacy.

Articulating the "strategic objectives and principal tasks of foreign affairs work", Xi stresses safeguarding China's core interests, crafting a conducive international environment, and hastening the nation's emergence as a great power. China, he says, should conduct "diplomacy as a great power" in an increasingly "multipolar" world - "making friends and forming partnership networks throughout the world" and "striving to gain more understanding and support from countries all over the world" for the Chinese Dream.

China cannot compete for global leadership by power alone. Economic and military strength, while necessary, are not sufficient. There must also be moral and ethical aspects to China's rise: China must ride the high road, offering an alternative geopolitical vision that is in some sense superior to that of the West. China, Xi asserts, should "see to it that equal importance is attached to justice and benefits, stress faithfulness, value friendship, carry forward righteousness, and foster ethics".

At a top-level session on regional free trade, Xi called for China to "participate and lead, make China's voice heard, and inject more Chinese elements into international rules". To effect such historic change to the world order, Xi is reshaping the diplomatic landscape with "active engagement". For example, Xi describes a new category of countries, which he labels "major developing powers" (such as India, Brazil and South Africa) and with which China should "expand cooperation" and "closely integrate our country's development". Furthermore, China should take leadership in the developing world and "speak for other developing countries".

From climate change to international peacekeeping, Xi is changing China from a sometime reluctant follower to an often creative leader. China has re-emerged as a great power and there is no turning back.

What is Xi's grand vision for China? The world is watching; many are hopeful, but too many are fearful. Some wonder about Xi's intent. But there is now no need to wonder; he has made his intent clear in his new book Xi Jinping: The Governance of China.

Seven of the book's 18 chapters deal with foreign affairs; two stress the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st century - President Xi's novel initiative for multinational development that exemplifies his strategic thinking. Appealing broadly to the roughly 50 countries participating, Xi created a $40 billion Silk Road Fund to complement the more general $50 billion Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank.

Philosophically, to promote the Silk Road spirit, Xi offers four principles: boost mutual learning between civilizations; respect each other's choice of development path; focus on mutually beneficial cooperation; and advocate dialogue and peace.

Practically, to implement the Silk Road spirit, Xi calls for global thinking that is "both farsighted and down-to-earth" and suggests a "1+2+3" cooperation pattern: "1" means cooperation in energy, the whole industrial chain of oil and natural gas; "2" refers to "two wings" - one being infrastructure and the other being trade and investment, including Chinese investment in energy, petrochemicals, agriculture, manufacturing, and services; "3" describes three breakthrough, advanced technologies - nuclear energy, space satellites and new energy.

For China to fulfill its potential as a global leader, it must gain the world's respect for its principles and philosophies, not only for its economy and military. This involves appreciation for China's self-determined "road of development" and for its political system, particularly the perpetual leadership of the ruling party.

This is a larger topic but such appreciation can develop only with a kind of convergence, where China's political system continues to reform, with increasing transparency and freedoms, and where foreigners come to understand that pragmatic competence managing China's complex society trumps idealistic ideologies of multi-party democracies.

For China not to view the United States as its adversary, not as a threat to its system and government, Washington will have to accept that the Western democratic model may not be ideal for all nations at all times. (The Middle East teaches this lesson.) China must continue to determine and develop its own system.

In my dream of a post-adversarial world, China assumes increasing responsibility for world peace and prosperity, which includes opposing regimes that trouble their own people. In seeking the moral optimum, China may have to tear up old scripts.

For its part, the US should reject the Cold War mentality of "containing China", resisting its rise, as being both archaic and self-defeating. Of course, there would remain areas of contention - balance of trade, human rights, territorial disputes - but different political systems should not be one of them. Politico-economic theories constructed in the 18th and 19th centuries have little utility in the 21st century, where most nations optimize free markets and government regulation that by nature can be neither generalized nor static.

It is in the national interests of China and the US to work together such that their foreign policies begin to converge. Surely there are nationalistic issues, and conflicts can compound when parochial media focus on real or perceived differences. The real achievements of nations - increasing citizens' well-being - are the synergistic accretions of advanced education, knowledge creation and technology utilization.

The US and China should change tired ways of thinking. The US should come to see China without the distorting lens of old history and the Cold War. Decades have passed since China felt compelled to export the non-existent "glories" of extreme leftist "Utopia". Today's China has no interest in converting the world to its road of development or political system.

China must pursue its own self-interests, which stress improving standards of living and the country's increasing prominence and prestige. To secure the former, China requires international stability. To enable the latter, China must take the moral high ground in international affairs.

I applaud when China assumes more responsibility in promoting global stability, from reining in rogue regimes to providing humanitarian relief. In today's world, the real conflict is not between opposing political systems but rather between the forces of modernity, competence and development on the one hand and those of ignorance, exploitation and oppression on the other.

As such, China's increasing engagement with global diplomacy should be celebrated.

The author is an international corporate strategist and political/economics commentator. He spoke at the book launch ceremony of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China and he is the author of How China's Leaders Think. The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

 Maritime Silk Road shows way forward

Zhang Chengliang / China Daily

Editor's picks
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 91青青青青青爽在线 | 99久久免费国产精品 | 国产亚洲一区二区三区在线观看 | 亚洲成人免费在线 | 国产精品久久久久久吹潮 | 91精品国产综合久久婷婷香蕉 | 欧美人妖在线 | 亚洲欧美激情四射 | 狠狠躁夜夜躁人人爽视频 | 亚洲欧美综合乱码精品成人网 | 九九视频只有精品 | theporn国产在线精品 | 二区三区视频 | 人人干视频在线观看 | 免费中文字幕 | 亚洲精品国产综合一线久久 | 国产成人综合在线观看网站 | 国产又黄又猛又粗又爽的A片动漫 | 日韩成人免费av | 小明www永久免费播放平台 | 五月天小说网 | 亚洲欧美日韩中文综合v日本 | 激情视频在线观看网站 | 国产精品一区二区三区久久久 | 国产91久久最新观看地址 | 欧美视频在线一区 | 欧美日韩一区二区中文字幕 | 欧美成人午夜在线全部免费 | 亚洲网站免费看 | 久久成人精品 | 欧美成a人片在线观看久 | 亚洲欧美一区二区三区在线 | 久草经典视频 | 国产亚洲精品一区二区 | 国产一区二区在线免费观看 | 国产综合久久 | 成人免费久久精品国产片久久影院 | 精品免费久久久久久成人影院 | 中日欧洲精品视频在线 | 午夜性福 | 亚洲国产精品综合久久网络 |